The Manichean Candidate

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We’re told that Donald Trump tapped into the anti-establishment anger of a “declining middle class.” But it’s a peculiar world in which people who are supposed to have class interests — that is to say, worries about income, jobs, job security — embrace a candidate whose policies are designed to shatter those very things.

What’s striking about this notion is how loose the idea of class has become. If we look at the exit polls, we see race, ethnicity, gender, and age as more critical than indicators of class. White men across the income and education spectrum voted for Trump. One explanation is that racism and misogyny are at the heart of this. And there’s been plenty of evidence to suggest that there’s more than enough of those to go around.

But there is a cutting-off-nose-to-spite-face problem here. The American left and center were built on programs of inclusion, programs that from the New Deal forward, gave hope, opportunity, and security to working-class people. Why would prejudice win out over economic self interest? It’s not because white men are inherently awful — but that, for decades, the right has fought an unceasing war against the egalitarian state. It has deployed every cultural weapon it could find to redefine the notion of solidarity and to drive wedges between people whose real interests coincide a great deal more than they imagine.

What has worked spectacularly well for the extreme right is the deployment of a Manichaean world view, casting every issue in terms of black and white, good and evil. Gun control, feminism, abortion rights, immigration, crime, taxes, climate change denial — all cast as titanic struggles between good and evil. But if there are true believers on each of these issues, what is clear is that the overall pattern here has been a concerted and cynical effort to polarize debates in order to make it impossible to develop serious policies and consensus. In a world of Facebook (ironic, no?) and Twitter, complexity, nuance and reasoned discussion falter and fail.

This cynical Manichaeanism has served a variety of interests, sometimes monetary and sometimes personal ambition. The rogue’s gallery of Trump confidantes and supporters encompasses the whole range. But whatever the motive, the result has been the same: to replace complex and difficult discussions that necessarily result in compromise and conciliation with simplistic solutions that can be summarized in pithy slogans.

Class may be at the heart of America’s crisis: but it is because the dumbing down of public discourse — fuelled in part by politicians and journalists all too willing to accept the either/or, friend/foe, good/evil binaries — that the sloganeering of the right has triumphed.

The road back to a healthy America will be long. But it demands that we do something other than engage the Manicheans on their terms. We will have to be persistent, patient, and painstaking and work tirelessly to persuade our compatriots of the connections between causes and consequences, to dissolve the false binaries of the right, and to restore and replenish the grand and generous nature that has persisted in the United States.


Comments

2 responses to “The Manichean Candidate”

  1. Thirty years ago Allan Bloom (The Closing of the American Mind) predicted today. Frankly, I don't know how it could have been avoided – nor, at this point, how to dig ourselves out of this hole. Maybe Canada can avoid the disease – I'm not sure.

  2. André Lambelet Avatar
    André Lambelet

    Stu, I’m not convinced that Bloom did predict today. To be sure, Bloom worried about the death of democratic education, and argued that America was losing its way. He assailed relativism, seeing in that doctrine a fundamental reason for the decline of Western civilization, and lamented the death of the social contract because the virtues of natural rights had been replaced by the (empty) virtue of openness. He wrote sharply and well and with erudition, as in this passage: “The old view was that, by recognizing and accepting man’s natural rights, men found a fundamental basis of unity and sameness. Class, race, religion, national origin or culture all disappear or become dim when bathed in the light of natural rights, which give men common interests and make them truly brothers."Bloom recognized something important about the failures of American higher education, but he also was blind to the problems that had helped give life to the very movements he despised. If he sought to defend "democratic education," his assault on Black Power, affirmative action, and the political movements of the sixties failed to recognize that his vision of democracy masked a system that was oppressive and frequently brutal. He resented what he saw as the dumbing down of the American academy, but failed to understand the roots of the grievances of those who had been systematically excluded.Bloom did not understand what Lyndon Johnson had: that social inequality matters. Speaking at Howard University in 1965, LBJ had said this: “But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away the scars of centuries by saying: Now you are free to go where you want, and do as you desire, and choose the leaders you please."You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, ‘you are free to compete with all the others,’ and still justly believe that you have been completely fair.” LBJ understood then what Bloom would never acknowledge: that the system that Bloom defended so fiercely was built on inequality. Was Bloom right to worry about the death of education? Yes. Was there (and is there) reason to worry about infantile relativism? Perhaps. But his analysis of the cause of the decline was fatally flawed by his inability or unwillingness to understand the reasons for the profound skepticism of his project. Liberals did not do what Bloom accused them of. He misrepresented or misunderstood those who, like John Rawls, sought to apply philosophical rigor to the problems of injustice, dismissing them as “folly.” The horror that afflicts the United States — and the tidal wave of bombast and bile that is crashing down on us now — has its roots in something other than the movements of the Sixties: it has come from the political right, not the left.

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